Chapter 9: Tribes and Their Stock

433.

The main source of information as to tribal movements has been the network of "Rain and Tribal Observers" (illus. 13, para. 98) as described in Chapter X, Meteorology. The Genealogies (Table 21, para. 444) were complied from all information available in District Offices in 1944, together with the results of a good deal of research by the Survey Officer. The records of exports have been collected from old annual reports, and in part kindly supplied by the Customs Department. The other Illustrations and Tables given below are the fruit of research by the General Survey Department.

444.

The Somali people of the Protectorate may be briefly divided into five groups: --

(i)	Nomadic stock-herders.
(ii)	Agriculturalists.
(iii)	Townsmen.
(iv)	Government servants.
(v)	Travellers.

435.

Probably about 90 per cent. of the population belongs to the first group, nomadic stock-herders, though at any time a number of these live temporarily in townships.

436.

The agriculturalists in the limited areas of arable farming are probably not more than five per cent. of the population at the present.

437.

The townsmen include the powerful traders who are essential for the marketing of stock and agricultural products, as well as for the importation and distribution of essentials not locally produced. These townsmen are not necessarily sharply divided from the countrymen, as they often have stock or gardens and visit the country frequently. There are also the lesser shopkeepers, mechanics, drivers, brokers, blacksmiths, leather workers, and others necessary in a township, and usually a floating population of countrymen, who may maintain a movable hut in or near the town as a centre for their numerous friends and relations who have business in town, children to be schooled, or who need hospital treatment. There has been a marked drift to the towns during the recent war, and too many young people have left their stock and gardens to live in townships: but the towns are necessary market and cultural centres. The problems connected with the growing townships are dealt with by the Protectorate Administration.

438

The Government servants are drawn from all the other groups. They tend to have a considerable influence on the Government, and are often the only source of information for European officers. Interpreters and personal servants, who are frequently the only Somalis to whom a European talks directly, are particularly influential. With the increasing knowledge of English amongst other Somalis, however, this influence is being reduced. It is noteworthy, however, that when entry into the Protectorate was invariably by ship from Aden to Berbera, there was a preponderance of Habr Yunis Musa Arreh and Habr Awal Esa Musa personal servants, and to some extent interpreters. Now that entry is usually by air to Hargeisa, the influence of the Hargeisa tribes, Habr Awall Saad Musa, Eidegalla and Arab, has increased.

439.

A small group of great importance is the "travellers." The bulk of these start as seamen and roam the world, some in the Royal Navy and some in merchant ships. There are colonies of Somalis in London, Hull, Liverpool and Cardiff, and quite a number of Somalis enter the U.S.A., and sometimes work there for years. These travellers provide not only a useful supply of money earned abroad, but have always been an important contact between the outside world and the nomadic stock-herder. They usually return to the Protectorate, often to tend stock themselves, sooner or later.

440.

This Report, however, is concerned primarily with the nomadic stock-herder, upon whose industry the present economic structure of the Protectorate is based. Some description of the general geography of the country has been given in the preceding chapters. The following Tables show estimates of the population of people and number of tock (Tables 18 and 19, evidence connected with these estimates as regards exports (Table 20), and a detailed genealogy of the Somali tribes of the Protectorate and Mijertein (Table 21).

441 - 444.

(Table 18, Table 19, Table 20, and )

445.

The Persians and later the Arabs, before the founding of the Moslem religion, invaded Zeila in pre-Somali times. The local inhabitants were then believed to have been Galla. For this reason, traces of more old pagan customs and folk-lore, and much useful knowledge of Asiatic agriculture still exist in the north-west of the Protectorate. The beginning of the Somali race as it exists to-day is bound up with the legend of the arrival on the Somali coast (at Heis and Mait) of the "Cultural Heroes" Darod and Isaq. The cause of the migration of Arabs to the Somali coast, which is believed to have started in about A.D. 1200, was presumably due to some catastrophe or other upsetting of economic equilibrium in Arabia. The migration of Arabs continued, and to some extent still continues, and by intermarriage the Somali race has been formed. Vestiges of an older race are still seen amongst the older type of Midgan, who is usually short and dark, and of different facial features from the average Somali. But even the Midgans are now being absorbed and most of the younger Midgans are not distinguishable from Somalis.

446.

Darod probably landed first at Heis about ten miles south-west of Mait. His great-great-grandson Harti with his family and followers lived in the Al Hills and in the Daror valley from Hubera to perhaps Meloden. After a time Harti's family became unwieldy and, just as Abraham separated from Lot, Harti sent his sons out to search for new grazing areas. Mijertein (Mohamed Harti) the eldest, went east, his descendants spreading southwards along what is now the Somali Coast, many becoming seamen and traders, and intermarrying to some extent with Arabs, Malays, and Indians. Murasante and Mura Asseh (Warsangeli, ietc.) stayed in the Al Hills, Upper Daror valley, and the Makhir coast, where they collected gums and kept cattle. Dolbahanta went south, and his people owned the Nogal. He was burried ad Bawein at the eastern end of the Ain.

447.

Other descendants of Darod including Marehan Seed and Ogaden Absame also went further south and west to found the tribes to which they gave their names.

448.

The descendants of Isaq (later Isahaq) who landed probably a little later than Darod at Mait, presumably migrated in much the same way, driven by the overcrowding of the Makhir coast and Al Hill areas as the Somalis increased in numbers. A few Habr Yunis have always remained at Mait, and in the area south of this, but the bulk of the Isaq group migrated south and west, and formed the central core of the population of the Somaliland Protectorate.

449.

Dir, the father-in-in-law of Darod, is said to be the uncle of Esa Madoba and brother of Hawiya Irrir, who founded the Esa tribe of Zeit and the Hawiya of Somalia respectively. Ram Nag, the great-grandfather of Dir, and Samarone the patriarch of the Gadabursi, are of unknown origin, but probably Arabians who landed at Zeila.

450.

The Somalis were originally Sunni Mohammedans of the Kadirieh sect. The Ahmedia of 1870 became Anderawieh and later Sheickh Mohamed Salih founded the Saleher sect, now followed by many Somalis. Practically the Somali race is Moslem.

451.

The following brief historical notes have been extracted in part from Jardin's "Mad Mullah of Somaliland" (Jardine 1923): --

circa 1200	Isaq and Darod, patriarchs of the Somali race, landed on Makhir coast.
1500	Turks at Zeila.
1516	Zeila burnt by Portuguese (Prince of Senna, Sheriff of Mocha).
1827	English ship wrecked; first English-Somali treaty.
1839	British captured Aden.
1840	British-Somali Trade Treaty.
1842	Johnston visited Berbera.
1854	Burton's Zeyla-Harar-Berbera trip.
1855	Burton attacked at Berbera by Habr Awal.
1870	Mohamed Abdalla Hassan born near Kirit (later known as the "Mad Mullah").
1875-75	Egypt controlled Massawa, Bulhar and Berbera.
1884	Egypt evacuated Somali Coast, British Garrison to Berbera from Bombay.
1885	British treaties with Esa, Gadabursi, and Isaq tribes.
1886	British treaty with Warsengeli.
1895	Mohamed Abdalla Hassan's Saleher religious revival in Berbera failed.
1898	Foreign Office took over administration of British Somaliland Protectorate from India Office. The Protectorate was then only self-supporting British dependency in eastern Africa.
1899	First truculent letter from "Mullah" at Kirit to Protectorate Administration.
1900	Abyssinians fought Mullah at Haradigit. Mullah took 2,000 Eidegalla camels.
Nov. 1900	Swayne's first expedition: engagements at Kirit, Samala, Welahed, Anahadigli, Kurgerad, Ferdidin.
Oct. 1901	Swayne's second expedition: Erago.
Oct. 1902	Manning: third expedition: Hobbia, Gumburu.
April 1903	Daratoleh, Jeyd.
July 1903	Jidbali.
Jan. 1904	Jidbali.
March 1904	Jidbali occupied: Bihen, Higligab, and Las Khoreh.
21st Mar. 1904	Illig (Eil).
Oct. 1904	Restalloza Peace.
April 1909	Wingate Mission.
Nov. 1909	British withdrawal to coast.
9th Aug. 1913	Dul Madoba (Corfield killed).
5th Sept. 1913	Mullah raided Burao.
12th Mar. 1914	Mullah raided Berbera. Somaliland Camel Corps started.
Nov. 1914	Shimbir Beris.
May 1916	Dervishes shelled from sea whilst besieging Las Khoreh.
Oct. 1917	Endau.
Feb. 1919	Ok.
Nov. 1919	Fifth and "final" expedition.
Jan. 1920	Defeat of Mullah: Medishe, Jidali, Badan, Taleh, Galbaribur. 3,000 H.Y., H.T., and Dolbahanta attacked Mullah at Gorah near Shinileh. The year of aeroplanes (Daiurada).
Nov. 1920	Mullah died of influenza, or perhaps smallpox. Gerad Mahamud Ali Shirreh of Warsengeli deported to Seychelles for seven years for exterting his own form of "native authority".
1922	District Commissioner, Burao, shot in riot over direct taxation. Habr Yunis punished by find, and indirect substituted for direct taxation.
1923	Mijertein insurrection at Buran.
1928	German surveyor with Anglo-Egyption boundary commission killed by Esa.
1929	Angl-Ethiopian boundary defined.
1930	Anglo-Italian Boundary Commission.
1934	Itallians attacked Ethiopians with Boundary Commission at Walwal. Italo-Ethiopian war started.
1937	Ethiopian refugees to Borama.
Aug. 1940	British evacuated Protectorate.
Mar. 1941	Italians evacuated Protectorate.
Aug. 1944	Somaliland Camel Corps mutinied and was disbanded.
June 1945	Locust riots Hargeisa, Burao, and Erigavo. attempted assassination of District Commissioner, Burao.
Nov. 1947	Fighting in Hargeisa, November 26th to 28th, between Habr Awal and Habr Gerhajis.

452.

Reference to the detailed Genealogies (Table 21, para. 444) shows that there are some 361 dia-paying groups recorded in the Protectorate. These groups, the male members of which pay or receive blood-money (dia) or other customary tribal payments together, are the social units of the Somaliland Protectorate. The laws of the custom usually take precedence over Moslem law -- as local custom in most countries, when it conflicts with religion, tends to carry more weight. (In fact custom and religion do no usually conflict much as their origins are closely connected.) All males from birth till death have theoretically equal social rights. In some cases there are leaders of these dia-paying groups: rich merchants, leaders in battle, men wise in the organization of nomadic movements of stock, skilful public orators, and sometimes hereditary chiefs. But the true leaders do no always have direct contact with the Government Administration. The number of males in a dia-paying group varies from about 300 to 3,000. As females are believed to be approximately equal in number to males this means 600 to 6,000 persons, men, women and children, in each dia-paying group. The numbers of some groups are known fairly accurately, but much work remains to be done by administrative officers in this connection. Taking, however, an average of 900 males for each group, the total population based on the Somaliland Protectorate wells would be 649,800 persons. This agrees fairly well with the figure 640,000 (Table 18, para. 441) obtained by addition after enquiry about individual tribal groups. Any figure between 500,000 and 1,000,000 would be reasonable, but there are certainly more than half a million British-protected Somalis.

453.

True nomadism is the movement of interdependent man and his stock over a wide by limited pastoral area. There is equilibrium between the nomad and his environment which may be upset especially by any defacement of the plant covering of the soil (whether by destruction of trees, by ploughing, or by other means). When this equilibrium is upset the nomad must migrate or die, migration being a trend, drift, or sometimes drive to a new country. Transhumance is the regular seasonal alternation of pastures.

454.

All these three types of movement occur in Somaliland, but the greater part of the people are nomadic stock-herders moving to grazing within certain limits according to the variable rainfall of different years, and other factors.

455.

The factors limiting the area, and controlling the times of nomadic tribal movements, in order of importance, are as follows: --

(i)	Grazing	Seasonally dependent on rainfall.
(ii)	Water	Seasonally dependent on rainfall.
(iii)	Salt grazing or licks	Regularly periodic.
(iv)	Transport: availability of burden camels	Personal.
(v)	Temperatures	Seasonal (solar).
(vi)	Inter-tribal friendships and feuds	Variable.
(vii)	Natural barriers to migration	Usually permanent.
(viii)	Stock diseases	Irregular.
(ix)	Human diseases	Irregular.
(x)	Administrative direction	Irregular.

In brief, famine and drought are considered more serious than pestilence or war, and the finding of water and good grazing is the first necessity of good administration.

456.

(i) and (ii) Grazing depends largely upon the very sporadic rainfall. In drought years water is obtained for long periods from the permanent well areas, with a resultant overgrazing around the wells, whilst simultaneously the outlying grazing areas are dried up for lack of rain, and subject to increased wind erosion. Naturally a great deal of stock dies in such a drought year, and there is also therefore an increase in human mortality.

457.

(iii) Salt is essential to stock. In the west it is obtained from the Jerer or Fafan valleys, or from the salt licks just north of the Main Watershed. In the east are great areas of salt grazing (Daran and the inferior Gulan) in addition to many salt wells, and the great camel-breeding tribes (Habr Yunis, Mohamed Abokr, and Dolbahanta) are based on the salt-grazing areas. Near the coast the salt-grazing Hadun and the brackish coast wells provide salt.

458.

(iv) Transport is a controlling factor in that a village cannot move without burden camels, and though the camel herds can and do move without baggage, the women and children with the sheep and goats are entirely dependent on a minimum of burden camels to move with the flocks to new pastures or fetch water from the wells. This is a fact to be remembered in drought years, and when it is necessary to commandeer or confiscate stock. To take all the burden camels from the villages for any reason is a crime not excusable even on a plea of ignorance. The advent of the motor-lorry, which carries water to grazing areas, has introduced a new factor in transport.

459.

(v) Temperature causes some annual migrations from the hot coastal plains (Heb) and lowlands (Guban) to the cooler mountains and Plateau (Ogo) each summer.

460.

(vi) Inter-tribal friendships and feuds may seriously affect nomadic movements: e.g. in 1943 there were thousands of Ogaden camels watering peaceably not far from Hargeisa with friendly tribes of British Somalis. In 1948 (see para. 482, below) this would have been unthinkable. The retreat of the locally inferior tribe from good grazing after a tribal fight is frequent: but only if there is somewhere else to go with sufficiently good grazing within reach of water.

461.

(vii) Natural barriers. These may be mental or physical. Unscalable cliffs, temporary or permanent waterless deserts, and distance are obvious barriers. Inertia of tribal custom, areas inhabited by hostile tribes, and limited imposed by administrative orders are less predictable in effect.

462.

(viii) Stock diseases (e.g. prevalence of ticks or fly) may cause a tribe to vacat an area where stock mortality is high.

463.

(ix) Human diseases are only a secondary consideration. Unless the stock is fed and watered the death of humans will result in any case.

464.

(x) Administrative direction is obeyed as a general rule if it does not interfere too much with the preceding factors. One of the purposes of this General Survey is to make available the information necessary for the guidance of administrators, so that their orders may be framed to fit these other factors. If they do not do so the penalty for obedience on the part of the tribesman may be death, and it is not to be wondered at that the Somali grazier sometimes appears to be unbiddable. Ideally administrative direction should always be framed so that it can be and will be obeyed. When the habit of obedience to the law has been formed as a result of wise administration, it is possible to enforce inconvenient laws in times of stress. It is presumed that this paragraph, with slight variations, might apply in any country for any administration.

465.

As a rule, then the people and their stock will be around their home well areas (illus. 41, in pocket) in January and February each year. When it rains further afield some will make forays to the new green grazing, coming back to the well area if no more widespread rain falls. When there are heavy widespread rains most of the people will move to new grazing areas. Scouts (Sehan) go out first to prospect, and lie scientifically to try to ensure that their own people get first to the best grazing. It is not then unusual for a whole village to move 100 miles in 60 hours. The knowledge required for judging when and where to move with stock, and when is the latest moment for a safe return to the home well areas, is an art calling for leadership. If later-expected rains fail, the women and children and the stock may become too weak for the homeward journey along the dried-up and overgrazed stock-routes, and weakening of both stock and people may result in death.

[Expandable "thumbnail"]

Illustration 41

466.

The nomadic movements of the people thus appear to be irregular from the point of view of solar dates, on the calendar, but they are in fact regular in accordance with the factors given in para. 455 above. A skilled stock-herder, given the data especially as regards rainfall, can foresee the approximate moves of people and stock in the tribal areas known to him. Unfortunately very few people have a knowledge of more than very limited areas of the Protectorate, and this lack of knowledge has therefore also been a limiting factor in the tracing and recording of actual movements by the General Survey.

467.

The factors limiting the southward migrational tendence are: (i) political: the wells to the south being held by other tribes (Mijerein and Ogaden under Italian and Ethiopia rule respective, and (ii) the fact that the hardy highlander of the Plateau areas, both of the Protectorate and of the Harar Plateau, seems to deteriorate in physique in the wetter lowlands to the south along the Webbi Shabeli, Juba, and Tana Rivers. There are more diseases of man and beast, and though the individual trader or raider may do will in the southern lowlands, the northern nomad and his herds seem to lose something of their hardiness and virility when they leave their healthy highland semi-desert. Migration from Arabia is believed to be still continuing, almost unnoticeably, especially along the coast from Karin to Onkhor, and the Makhir coast. The main pressure from within seems to come from the H.T. Musa Abokr and H.Y. Saad Yunis country, whence there always seem to be more fine young men than there is stock or grazing to support. Roughly speaking at present the Isaq tribes move within a circle of radius 155 miles centred on Burao, and the Ogaden and Mijertein outside a circle of 165 miles radius centred on Onkhor.

Illustration 43: Recorded Tribal Distribution: Gadabürsi & Habr Tojaala, 1944-50

497.

It is not possible to foretell in detail the exact areas where tribes and sections will graze in any specified month or year in advance. The home well map (illus. 41, pocket), and the note to Table 22 (para 509), show the "loci" about which the tribes move according to the variable factors described in para. 455. It would take many months of work to analyse and codify the records of tribal movements which have been plotted during the General Survey (in detail as to tribal sub-sections for each month from 1944 to 1948) and as to tribes for each month for 1949 and 1950). Owing to the variability of the seasonal and other factors such a detailed account would be of only limited values.

498.

It is therefore considered sufficient to describe the general trends of seasonal movement of the larger tribal sections, and to give a brief summary of the less usual nomadic movements which have taken place during the seven years of the General Survey.

499.

By and large the longer-distance movements of the villages with sheep, goats, women, children, and houses occur only when there is a considerable period of rainfall expected to follow a widespread beginning of rain. This usually starts in April or May continuing till June, and in the areas over 4,000 feet in altitude (Harar Plateau and Main Watershed) sometimes in March. The tribes may continue to stay in the outer grazing areas through the third quarter of the year until the shorter rains of October and November fall.

500.

As the rain pools dry up in the "waterless" Haud and Sawl Haud, the camels and men tend to come in closer to the tribal locus wells for water and salt grazing, and sometimes stay nearer the wells, if there is sufficient grazing, until the next rains fall in the grazing areas. The families and flocks do not travel so quickly, and if the grazing in the Haud is sufficient they will stay on there until forced by lack of feed and water to draw in closer. In a good year they may manage to stay in the further grazing areas right through from April or May till November or December, but are nearly always forced to come back by January (in some years as early as July or August, and often in November and December). But occasionally they can stay away, aided by modern motor vehicles to water people and pregnant ewes and goats right through the dry season till the Gu rains of the next year fall. Again in other years the grazing is so good in the nearer areas that the tribes do not move out into the further Haud al all: this is a pity because it is in such good years that regeneration of the nearer grazing should be allowed to take place. In fact the use of the further grazing areas in those years in which there is widespread good rainfall should probably be sufficient to check the devastation of some of the areas nearer to the home wells.

501.

The other type of movement, over shorter distances, is more regular, and depends not only on rainfall but on temperature and other factors. This in general is the southward movement of the home well area tribes whenever there are local rains (and these occur fairly regularly, even though sporadically -- Hogleh-Hogleh -- in April or May, and in October and November), and the movement uphill of the coastal lowland tribes to avoid the head and dusty desiccating winds of the May to September period of S.W. Monsoon.

502.

This latter uphill movement causes almost continuous grazing around the home wells of the Plateau, and though the movement cannot be prevented, it could be encouraged -- but to greater lengths, by coaxing the lowland tribes to go even further south, beyond the well areas.

503.

Other movements due to disease of man or beast or to political reasons are unpredictable, though the effects of such unusual movements on the crossing of physical barriers, or overcoming the inertia of tribal custom, are always liable to have permanent effects.

504.

Movement of stock to salt grazing or salt licks is fairly regular, but only affects larger scale tribal movements in that it may be a contributory factor in hastening movements that might otherwise have been delayed a little longer.

505.

For the purposes of this general account of regular tribal movements therefore, the two main types of movement are: --

(i)	Major movements to areas of widespread heavy rains.
(ii)	Minor movements to areas of lesser rains, or on account of temperature and other normally less important factors.

506.

As far as possible, these are described in the following section (F. Normal Grazing Areas, para. 510) using only the place names given on Illustration 8 (para. 77). Records in more detail have been kept, but the importance of place-names in the grazing areas varies from year to year except for a few of the larger well-known rainpool areas. Temporary centres may spring up one year in one place, and then cease to be important centres for many years (e.g. Qodmis-Kurmis was an important centre earlier in the century. Recently people have spoken more of Marqanweina about 25 miles south-east of Qodmis.)

507.

Although therefore the Illustration No. 8, Somaliland Place-names, gives only a few names, it is considered that these are sufficient to give a general idea of the areas grazed by the various tribal sections, though for lack of detail the areas defined have had to be only approximate.

508.

By comparing Illustration 41 (pocket) the Home Wells, and Table 22 (para. 509) which records the same data in tabular form, with the following description of "Normal Grazing Areas," it should be easy to make a good guess at the areas where tribal sections are likely to graze in times of widespread drought or sporadic local rainfall, and how far in one of several directions they are likely to go when there are widespread rains. It is of course necessary to have constant meteorological information, and information as to the other nine factors affecting tribal movements (para. 455) is also advisable. Apart from a few Government posts with radio-telephone lately installed, and occasional travellers, the only obvious means of obtaining the necessary information for forecasting grazing movements is to converse with the actual graziers in their own language, after having acquired a knowledge of the geography of the country and of the tribes and their sections. This can be done not only by experienced European officers but by a few Somalis who have a wide knowledge of the country and experience in obtaining accurate information.

Table 22: Summary of Tribes of Somaliland Protectorate with Notes on Wells and Grazing

F. Normal Grazing Areas (see Table 22, para. 509), and Illustrations 42 - 48, paras. 468 - 474)

550.	The Somalis are Moslems, permitted to marry up to four wives at a time. To have five wives would be as serious a crime as bigamy in countries practising monogamy. In actual fact very few men have more than one or sometimes two wives, since limits are imposed, as in all countries, by economic sanctions.
551.	The nomadic stock-herder needs a large family to handle the family stock, and one wife is seldom able to bring up a sufficiently large family to maturity. Polygamy is therefore a natural custom in a thriving community of nomadic stock-herders. Theoretically the women obey their men folk in accordance with religious law (as in Christian communities). In fact the woman's position is one of considerable power as long as she carries out the duties imposed on her by the nomadic life. If she successfully tends the flocks, makes and erects the movable houses, fetches firewood and water, butchers, cooks, bears children, and in her spare time waves mats, makes ropes, and gathers wild berries, etc., she is a queen in her own household.
552.	The man's work in nomadic stock-herding is not always so obvious to the alien observer. The man is seen driving camels, and watering them occasionally. His work of prospecting for new grazing and looking for lost stock is not so frequently notices. Such work may entail several days walking, often without food or water, perhaps alone in the bush armed only with a club or spear, or even a knife or a stick sharpened at both ends (Garmagati), as protection against lions or enemies. Such feats of endurance, and suffering of hunger and thirst, are frequent in the life of the nomad stockman, and when he is seen sitting down in a "coffee shop" to drinking a cup of tea and listen to the news in other people's conversation, it must not be inferred that he spends his life in idle chatter, whilst his wife carries wood and water, and goes about her business in the village.
553.	There is no doubt that the nomadic life depends on a very delicate state of balance between the stock and the vegetational cover of the country, often resulting in famine in bad years. The Somali nomad must expect lean periods of famine and drought, and only a very few attain plenty for more than short periods in the best months of years of good rainfall. It is therefore obvious that, living with the prospect of semi-starvation at intervals, he works extremely hard to live at all. Whether the nomadic way of life can be improved by combined organization of the nomadic tribes of the area, and improved co-operation with the agricultural and township communities, remains to be seen.
554.	The Somali family seems to average about five persons: father, mother, and three children. There is an extremely high percentage of deaths of children, particularly at birth and during weaning, but it is believed that about three children on an average reach maturity, though families of 24 or more are not infrequently brought up by one father.
555.	The value of a male life, as assessed by tribal custom, is one hundred camels, and that of a female fifty camels. Customary law varies between tribes and groups of tribes, and though individuals know the customs of some tribes, it is doubtful whether any know the detailed customs of the whole Protectorate, a subject worthy of patient research and published codification.

Notes for Writers: Bookmarks are included for each section, i.e. "A." - "H.", and will later be included for each numbered paragraph, i.e. "443." to "555.", each table and each illustration.